Sudeshna Thapa on the Shadow of Majoritarianism: Nepal's Minority Struggles | PODS by PEI

Shuvangi: Namaste and welcome to Pods by P.E.I., a policy discussion series brought to you by Policy Entrepreneurs Inc. I'm Shuvangi Baudia. In today's episode, PEI colleague Khushi is in conversation with Sudeshna Thapa on the shadow of majoritarianism and Nepal's minority struggles. Sudeshna Thapa is a human rights lawyer and holds an LLM in international human rights law from Lund University, Sweden.

She's currently working as a research coordinator at Social Science Baha, where she is involved in research on a range of issues, including gender and social inclusion, minority rights, and labor migration. She has previously worked as a research assistant to the UN's special rapporteur on human rights and toxics.

Khushi and Sudeshna discuss majoritarianism in Nepal, recounting its historical and contemporary manifestations. They explore the elusive nature of Nepali majoritarianism as it persists and grows despite multiple efforts like electoral reforms. The conversation also explores effects on marginalized groups and the role of social institutions in perpetuating it, and considers future scenarios for creating a more inclusive society in Nepal.

We hope you enjoy the conversation.

Khushi: Namaste, I'm Khushi Hang.

Sudeshna: Namaste, I'm Sudeshna Thapa.

Khushi: Welcome to the show, Sudeshna. It's so nice to have you here. How are you doing today?

Sudeshna: Thank you so much. I'm very happy to be here. Thank you, Khushi.

Khushi: Before we begin the conversation, and I think actually leading up to the conversation, I want to say kudos to you and your team for your research on the state of South Asian minorities.

You guys researched the status of minorities in Nepal, and I thought the investigation of events was so rich, both in terms of scope and depth of exploration. What I found interesting was in that report, this time you've framed majoritarianism as the overarching theme that explains a lot of the issues related to the rights and representation of minorities in Nepal.

So starting there, in your research, how do you define majoritarianism?

Sudeshna: Thank you again, Khushi, for that introduction to the report and also for your very kind words about the report. I'm very happy to know that you thought it was a useful read. So your question was how we define majoritarianism in our research.

I think the concept of majoritarianism can be best understood as an ideology or a practice that emphasizes the dominance of the majority, often at the expense of the minority, so to speak. What's important to point out is that it is how majoritarianism is characterized by a singular prioritization of the interests of the majority community over minority communities and how that stands in contrast to ideas like pluralism and multiculturalism.

I think it's also important to understand how majoritarianism as a phenomenon is distinct from majoritarian democracy or rule by majority, since it represents an unfettered propagation of majority interests by the government, which often happens by negating minority concerns, needs, and demands.

Khushi: I think that's a really good way to start off, just laying down the concept, and I think we'll elaborate more on them as we move on with our conversation.

What I wanted to talk about right at the beginning is first recognizing the fact that majoritarianism isn't something new that's happening in Nepal. In fact, Nepal has a long history of it. So right here, could you recount the role or the presence of majoritarianism in Nepal's socio-political landscape?

Sudeshna: Okay, let me just reiterate how, as opposed to a democratic regime that's committed to honoring the rights and needs of minorities, majoritarian rule, by contrast, homogenizes and exalts the identity of the majority. Speaking of the Nepali context, historically, I think the culture, the language, and the religion of the Khas Arya rulers have been imposed as the basis of the Nepali identity, essentially through assimilative state-building practices.

That has resulted in significant changes, both voluntary and involuntary, in the sociocultural practices of the many minority groups in the country. More specifically, the consolidation of power in the nation-building process through various political regimes in history has sowed the seeds of majoritarianism in Nepali society that continues to persist even today.

Speaking in terms of legal codification, it dates as far back as the Mulukiyen of 1854, which classified the entire Hindu as well as the non-Hindu population of the country under a single hierarchical order. Khas Aryas, of course, were placed at the pinnacle of the order, and ethnic minorities were relegated to mid-ranking and bottom-ranking positions, and Dalits were placed at the bottom rung of the hierarchy and denigrated as untouchables.

So caste-based discrimination was legitimated in that way, and practices like caste endogamy and commensal rules that restricted so-called lower castes from socializing with those deemed high caste were sanctified. Then later, during the panchayat era, we saw a more assimilatory form of nation-building whereby the culture of the then power holders, who were essentially high-caste, hill-native Hindu men, was promoted by the state under the guise of national unity and harmony.

Any resistance against the homogenization was termed anti-national and often even considered incitement to ethnic violence. So that resulted in the systemic interdiction of indigenous and ethnic customs and cultures and the attempted erasure of the distinctiveness of minority identities.

So later, with the end of the civil conflict and the political change of 2006, Nepal's ethnic, social, cultural, and religious diversity was legally recognized by the state, and the right to equality for minority communities was safeguarded. Various affirmative action measures were also put in place for minority and marginalized groups.

Post the 2006 period, including the promulgation of the Constitution of Nepal, which is currently in force, the Constitution of 2015, well, the country has seen inclusion emerge as a crucial element of the state-building process with civil, political, cultural, social, and economic rights of minorities integrated into mainstream politics.

So, these developments do reflect symbolic recognition of the importance of pluralism and inclusion in Nepal.

Khushi: To contextualize majoritarianism in Nepal, let's talk about who is at the receiving end of the impacts of this process. And I think I always found it very interesting how majoritarianism can be quickly confused with the dominance of a physically larger demographic.

But that's not always the case. It's about power and it's about those social dynamics that groups hold over others. So in that line of thought, can you illustrate the different groups that have historically but also more contemporarily been marginalized in this process?

Sudeshna: Right, that's very true.

In Nepal's context, while there is no single ethnic or caste group that commands an outright majority, speaking strictly from a numerical sense, it's also true that power is distinctly concentrated in the Khas Arya community, the so-called upper caste hill Hindus who have historically enjoyed a position of privilege in Nepal and represent the country's social and economic elite.

The social-religious hierarchy that is so deeply entrenched in our society has played a significant role in shaping the Khas Arya community. Allocation of power and resources results in discrimination against those that have been deemed lower caste in the Hindu caste hierarchy, especially Dalits and indigenous communities.

We also have religious minorities who essentially are persons of non-Hindu faiths, including Christians and Muslims, these two being the largest groups. Also, women and gender and sexual minorities are among those who have had to bear the brunt of majoritarianism. In the case of women, again, while one could argue that they're not a minority when speaking strictly in a numerical sense, we have to be cognizant of the fact that the women in our country have historically been oppressed and marginalized, and that they've always been at a disadvantaged position and that continues to impact them.

Khushi: And how do the impacts of majoritarianism manifest in their existence and experience of day-to-day lives but also the experience of the state?

Sudeshna: I think that's a big question, and there can be more than one way to look at it.

But like I said, although legislative measures that were overtly discriminatory and oppressive have been scrapped for the most part, it's the legacy of the systemic discrimination against minority groups that continues to dictate social mores even today. What's important to understand is that majoritarian tendencies and values can pose hindrances in the exercise of various human rights for minority groups, particularly economic, social, and cultural rights, and for Nepal's minorities.

Even though manifestations of majoritarianism may not always be as overt, they tend to manifest in ways that are often elusive or isolated. But, I mean, just as examples, Dalits, for instance, have been victims of multi-generational exclusion and misrepresentation and remain economically and socially marginalized even today.

Just as an example, intercaste marriages remain rare and not only are they considered socially unacceptable, but they can even provoke acts of violence and brutality against Dalits, as evidenced by many incidents in the past. Also, indigenous groups, for example, continue to face impediments when it comes to exercising their socioeconomic rights.

And I think there are countless examples of how minorities continue to be impacted negatively by majoritarian policies and practices in the socioeconomic as well as the political sphere.

Khushi: I guess you're right that the question is a big one. And then it encapsulates a lot, but to approach it in a more specific way, I thought it was very interesting what you said about the way majoritarianism exists in Nepal is very elusive and isolated.

Right. And then I was thinking about the different examples in your report. Can you share some of them?

Sudeshna: So, in principle, electoral quotas embedded within Nepal's mixed electoral system are meant to serve as a crucial mechanism to ensure the numerical representation of underprivileged and minority communities, basically.

So, it's meant to enhance the likelihood of candidates from marginalized groups being elected to federal and provincial legislatures. And our constitutional framework, our entire constitutional framework, also commits to diverse and inclusive representation in state structure, well, so much so that it mandates political parties to nominate candidates from a wide range of communities, including Dalits, Indigenous nationalities, Khas Arya, Madesi, Muslims, and individuals from backward regions within the proportional representation system as part of the electoral system. But while this principle holds promise in theory, political parties are often seen exploiting it as a means to merely meet the minimum legal requirements for representation. What I mean by that is that they often tend to avoid fielding candidates from minority groups under the first-past-the-post, or the FPTP system, because they can fulfill the mandated minimum requirement of minority representation through the PR system.

So if you take a close look at the composition of the current House of Representatives, you'll see that Dalits make up only 5.82 percent of the membership of the FPTP, with 16 members elected through proportional representation and only one via direct election. So more often than not, political parties tend to prioritize party politics over genuine representation of minorities.

And what often happens is they nominate the most privileged and elite individuals from among them. Within marginalized groups as well, those who don't necessarily represent the interests of the minority community. And what we see is those having close connections with people in power are favored and sycophants are promoted, further exacerbating the issue of underrepresentation.

And there are other issues that also need to be taken into account when it comes to political representation of minority groups. So there's the fact that the top leadership positions in all political parties tend to be dominated by Khas Arya men mostly. And also the fact that the dispersed geographical distribution of minority groups like Dalits and marginalized groups presents challenges in consolidating votes, which is a crucial requirement under the FPTP system.

Also, Dalits as well as other marginalized groups, they continue to encounter challenges when it comes to effective campaigning and raising funds for campaigns, for example. So they may even face exclusion from social and political events and meetings, for example, and they're susceptible to threats and intimidation, and they might struggle to campaign effectively, basically.

Khushi: I think that was just a perfect example to explain the elusive nature of majoritarianism in Nepal and also it really adds up to the larger conversation on meaningful representation that comes up as challenging the prevalent electoral quotas. Moving forward, as you were talking about political structures and barriers, I was also thinking about the legal structures, thinking more on the state side of things.

Previously, you said that there have been significant developments on the legal front, but also there have been steps that are regressive. So can we explore that a bit in the specifics?

Sudeshna: So again, I think I should begin by first saying that we have come a really long way in terms of reforming our domestic legal framework vis-à-vis inclusion and minority rights and pluralism. Our constitution that's currently in force, the Constitution of 2015, explicitly commits to eliminating all forms of discrimination and oppression. It sort of embraces Nepal's multi-caste, multi-lingual, multi-cultural, and geographically diverse composition. We even have explicit provisions in the constitution and several legislations that are aimed specifically at advancing the rights of particular minority and marginalized groups.

The constitution even provides for affirmative action in favor of particular groups, including Dalits, indigenous groups, Madesis, and Tharus, for instance. Dalit rights, in particular, are distinctly recognized in the constitution, including the right to participate in state bodies on the basis of proportional inclusion. We also have several autonomous constitutional bodies that are tasked specifically with addressing minority-specific issues and promoting the rights of minority groups.

But having said that, like you said, our legal framework is not flawless. We still have some laws that are discriminatory, and we still have traces of majoritarianism, majoritarian tendencies here and there in our legal system. I can give you some examples. Even though our constitution declares the country secular, there is a concurrent emphasis on preserving and promoting Sanatan Dharma, which has been interpreted as alluding to Hinduism. So that does evidence legislative intent to promote Hinduism. Also, we still have a blanket prohibition on proselytization in the constitution as well as in the National Penal Code of 2017.

There's a ban on converting people from one religion to another, and abetment of the same is also prohibited. Violations can result in imprisonment for up to five years. Not to forget, we do still have Hindu cultural symbols in our national emblems as well, and we still have the cow as the national animal. As a matter of fact, cow slaughter is still criminalized in the penal code. One could be subjected to imprisonment for up to three years for killing a cow, and the act of committing assault on a cow—interpreted in so many ways—can result in a penalty of up to six months imprisonment and a fine of up to 50,000 rupees.

So, we still have laws like that. And of course, we have a spate of laws that discriminate against women, including our citizenship laws, which are still considered highly regressive when it comes to safeguarding women's rights to confer citizenship. So, those are just a few examples.

Khushi: When I was reading your report and I came across that finding on what the consequences for "assaulting a cow" were, I was really intrigued because at the same time, there was also a lot of news surrounding the reduced consequences on marital rape. And then the irony of it, but I guess that's a conversation for a different time. But thank you for these examples. I think that really sets the scene as to where we are in terms of our legal institutions. And what I was feeling the whole time was, even though we have very aspirational policies and laws, there is reluctance and I'm getting the sense that that reluctance stems from a deeper-rooted cultural adherence to some of the majoritarian narratives, right?

And so my next question is, how do social institutions play a role in the cultural reproduction of majoritarianism? Can you explain this idea, especially focusing on education and media?

Sudeshna: I mean, I think this too can be a topic for a whole another conversation altogether, but since you mentioned education and media specifically, when it comes to the portrayal of minority groups in media and pop culture, it is quite concerning.

We know that on multiple occasions, analysts have raised concern over the lack of inclusivity and gender sensitivity in Nepal's media, and the dearth of meaningful stories about minority groups, including women, the Madesi community, and others. Just as examples, Nepali movies and television are still rife with very regressive cultural stereotypes. More often than not, we see that Madesi characters are often seen in blackface, speaking in very exaggerated accents, and they're portrayed as antagonists who are cunning and corrupt, however you want to describe it.

Similar arguments have also been raised by ethnic activists who have pointed out that Janjati characters are also frequently cast in violent and antagonistic roles. That's problematic, especially when such characters are juxtaposed with the morally upright protagonist, who generally tend to be played by actors of the Khas Arya community. Dalit rights activists have also raised concerns about how the predominant media narrative depicts Dalits just as helpless victims of the caste hierarchy and tends to disregard the many inspiring and powerful stories about Dalit resistance.

I think another issue with that is how gender and sexual minorities tend to be portrayed in media. They're either depicted as victims of the circumstances who are very helpless or they're just played for cheap laughs, which is highly problematic. Their sexuality is often exploited as a trope to glorify the male protagonist and elevate his manhood and machismo, so to speak. Such inaccurate and derogatory portrayals of minorities are consistent with the entrenched societal prejudices we have.

It encourages the othering of minority communities on religious and cultural grounds. Like you said, it's concerning because media and pop culture can serve as the basis for cultural reproduction, especially among the youth and children.

Khushi: I think we often cut some slack for media because it's entertainment and people are taking it lightly, but you've found similar trends in the academic curricul that have been prescribed in schools, right?

Sudeshna: In our research, we examined school curricula to assess cultural diversity and pluralism. Nepal has made strides in adopting a multilingual literacy model that caters to minority populations. However, minority representation in school textbooks remains inadequate. When I was in school, for instance, Prithvi Narayan Shah’s famous description of Nepal as a "garden of four castes and 36 sub-castes" was celebrated, yet the textbooks primarily glorified Khas Arya history and culture, ignoring the rich diversity of Nepal.

Khushi: We started most of our essays that way, if it was about Nepal.

Sudeshna: And, and I think it's very ironic because, you know, that expression is meant to reflect the ethnic and cultural diversity in our country, but I mean, minority representation in the test textbooks is, is very dismal and, you know, they just glorified Khas Arya history and culture and traditions.

So, when I think of that, I think it's very ironic. Things are definitely better now because you will see characters and names in textbooks that attempt to depict a range of ethnic identities. But at the same time, it's also important to point out that their portrayal is often very stereotypical and representation is like just limited to names here and there that are typically associated with certain minority groups.

I think there's also a visible gap. in the inclusion and representation of various religious communities, as evidenced by the predominant focus on Hindu symbols and mythological characters in visual depictions and lessons within Nepali textbooks, and also textbooks for social  studies and humanities.The resurgence of majoritarian narratives in Nepal can be attributed to several factors, including anxiety and frustration with the current republican state. This phenomenon is not unique to Nepal; it is reflective of a broader regional trend influenced by neighboring India's rise of religious majoritarianism.

Also, I think the messaging on ethnic and religious diversity is coupled with affirmations of social unity and cohesion. So it tends to project a very idealized and sanitized view of the Nepali society. And it often overlooks the systemic inequalities and discrimination experienced by,  , the underrepresented communities and, and there's a need to recognize and, and eliminate that.

I  can give you an example of a line that we picked right off of a social studies textbook. So it's found that there has been mutual trust and equality among Nepali people since centuries. One does not look at the other with hatred. So, you know, like I was saying, it portrays a very idealized view of the society and fails to  take into account the historic and systemic discrimination that various minority groups have been subjected to.

Another issue, I think, is how the textbooks tend to glorify stories that pertain to the Shah rulers or the Rana rulers, for instance. And, you know, they sort of tend to evoke nostalgia for the monarchy.  And at the same time, periods of internal conflict, assassinations, and instability, those have conveniently been overlooked.

And, you know, contributions made by minority groups, by the Dalit community, to the  Expansion of contributions made by Dalits and other communities seem to have been effectively excluded from the curriculum.

Khushi: Moving forward, as we try to understand why there is like this resurgence of majoritarianism, why recently, even though for a short period, we've sort of reverted back to some of the fundamentalist values and we see that in different sociopolitical scenes.

And I think when we get to a position like this, it's very tempting to talk in binaries. It's more convenient for us to create a good versus bad analogy where we sort of vilify the people who are supporting majoritarian values, and rightly so, but I think there's a more interesting conversation to have when we try to understand where this increasing support for majoritarian narrative is coming from.

And while preparing for this episode, I was looking into a Kathmandu Post article by Amish Mulmi, where he writes how people's move back to majoritarian narratives is a reflection of their anxiety with the Republican state. And now I'm not trying to be an apologist or I'm not trying to justify any of the sides, but since you've observed this phenomenon so closely and for such a long time, what do you see are the factors that motivate people to support these movements?

What are some of the anxieties or aspirations that you found in them?

Sudeshna: I mean, there's no denying, like you said, there's increasing frustration and anxiety against the state apparatus and the political developments in our country. And even nostalgia, so to speak, to some extent, among a part of our population for the Hindu kingdom.

But, I mean, that is not to say that it justifies a democratic backsliding. Again, I think it's important to understand that majoritarian rule is completely at odds with the whole concept of pluralism, diversity, and minority rights, which is what Nepal's constitution, Nepal's legal framework claims to embody.

And we cannot forget that inclusion, pluralism and protection of minority rights are crucial elements of our current legal framework and that we've been through a very long and very hard struggle to have come this far. And I mean, even generally speaking, I think Nepalese are tolerant towards difference and they're respectful of diversity generally.

And I think it's all the more important to reassert that now, in the face of growing discontentment and disillusionment towards the state and towards those in power.

Khushi: Just to follow up on this, do you think this, like you put it, backsliding is also being influenced by what's happening in the region, especially related to our neighbor?

India, the religious majoritarianism that's rising. Do you see any ways that it's seeping into the culture in Nepal?

Sudeshna: So many political analysts, they have pointed out how influential political figures across the political spectrum in Nepal, especially in the years leading up to the 2022 general elections, consistently attempted to influence voters by aligning themselves with pro-Hindu.

agenda. And we know that of late concerns have been raised over the rising influence of the nationalistic Hindutva ideology of India's ruling BJP on Nepali politics. So a report that was published last year, the United States State Department's International Religious Freedom Report, asserted that right-wing BJP have been providing financial support to influential politicians across all parties in Nepal, with the specific aim of garnering support for the establishment of a state in Nepal.

And while we're all aware that royalist right parties like, the Russia Prajatantra Party have always called for the abolishment of secularism in Nepal, the report I just talked about even goes on to mention that Hindu groups in India continue to exert pressure on Nepali politicians to advocate for the restoration of the state in Nepal.

And we've also seen how various Hindu religious leaders and public figures from India have continued to outrightly endorse pro-Hindu agenda in Nepal. Be that as it may, we've also seen some concerning political developments in Nepal in relation to our political parties. Including recently, members of the ruling Nepal Communist Party submitting a memorandum to the party chairperson, also the sitting prime minister, seeking a referendum to choose between either establishing Nepal as a Hindu state or a secular one.

And more recently, even the Nepali Congress, which officially secularism, has also in some forums expressed openness to discussions about eliminating secularism while rejecting the restoration of monarchy. So that's also concerning.

Khushi: Moving forward, as we try to understand why there is like this resurgence of majoritarianism, why recently, even though for a short period, we had Taken progressive steps, we've sort of reverted back to some of the fundamentalist values and we see that in different sociopolitical scenes.

And I think when we get to a position like this, it's very tempting to talk in binaries. It's more convenient for us to create a good versus bad analogy where we. sort of vilify the people who are supporting majoritarian values, and rightly so, but I think there's a more interesting conversation to have when we try to understand where this increasing support for majoritarian narrative is coming from.

And while preparing for this episode, I was looking into a Kathmandu Post article by Amish Mulmi, where he writes how people's move back to majoritarian narratives is a reflection of their anxiety with the Republican state. And now I'm not trying to, be an apologist or I'm not trying to justify any of the sides, but since you've observed this phenomenon so closely and for such a long time, what do you see are the factors that, motivates people to support these movements?

What are some of the anxieties or aspirations that you found in them?

Sudeshna: I mean, there's no denying, like you said, there's increasing frustration and anxiety against the state apparatus and the political developments in our country. And even nostalgia, so to speak, to some extent, among a part of our population for the Hindu kingdom.

But, I mean, that is not to say that it justifies a democratic backsliding. Again, I think it's important to understand that majoritarian rule is completely at odds with the whole concept of pluralism, diversity, and minority rights, which is what Nepal's constitution, Nepal's legal framework claims to embody.

And we cannot forget that inclusion, pluralism and protection of minority rights are crucial elements of our current legal framework and that we've been through a very long and very hard struggle to have come this far. And I mean, even generally speaking, I think Nepalese are tolerant towards difference and they're respectful of diversity generally.

And I think it's. All the more important to reassert that now, in the face of growing discontentment and disillusionment towards the state and towards those in power.

Khushi: Just to follow up on this, do you think this, like you put it, backsliding is also being influenced by what's happening in the region, especially related to our neighbor?

India, the religious majoritarianism that's rising. Do you see any ways that it's seeping into the culture in Nepal?

Sudeshna: So many political analysts, they have pointed out how influential political figures across the political spectrum in Nepal, especially in the years leading up to the 2022 general elections, consistently attempted to influence voters by aligning themselves with pro Hindu agenda.

And we know that of late concerns have been raised over the rising influence of the nationalistic Hindutva ideology of India's ruling BJP on Nepali politics. So a report that was published last year, the United States State Department's International Religious Freedom Report, asserted that right wing BJP have been providing financial support to influential politicians across all parties in Nepal, with the specific aim of garnering support for the establishment of a state in Nepal.

And while we're all aware that royalist right parties like, , the Russia Prajatantra Party have, , always called for the abolishment of secularism in Nepal, the report I just talked about even goes on to mention that Hindu groups in India continue to exert pressure on Nepali politicians to advocate for the restoration of the state in Nepal.

And we've also seen how various Hindu religious leaders and public figures from India have continued to outrightly endorse pro Hindu agenda in Nepal. Be that as it may, we've also seen some concerning political developments in Nepal in relation to our political parties. Including recently, members of the ruling Nepal Communist Party submitting a memorandum to the party chairperson, also the sitting prime minister, seeking a referendum to choose between either establishing Nepal as a Hindu state or a secular one.

And more recently, even the Nepali Congress, which officially secularism, has also in some forums expressed openness to discussions about eliminating secularism while rejecting the restoration of monarchy. So that's also concerning.

Khushi: Definitely. I think we've had a really comprehensive conversation about the impacts and also what are driving these impacts to the surface.

But before we wrap that up, I wanted to ask you a question on the long term sociocultural effects of majoritarianism. And I think of this question from an article in The Wire, which was titled, The Dimensions of Majoritarianism, Goudavarti writes how majoritarianism has cultural impacts, one of which increases mediocrity in the sense that in a culture that embraces and fosters the majoritarian dominance, there's a lot of flattening of talent and innovation and critical thinking, which are necessary to sustain sycophancy and loyalty, like we talked about earlier.

So what have you found are some of the long term social impacts on minority communities living under a majoritarian culture in Nepal?

Sudeshna: So, I think I completely agree with the view that when a majoritarian culture proliferates, it's bound to give rise to sycophancy and loyalty towards the majority.

Majoritarianism impacts minorities in manifold ways, including their access to resources, their access to power, privilege, and opportunities. And it also impacts their own worldviews, I think. And And in fact, it can even pave the way for erasure of minority identities if minorities feel the compulsion to align themselves with the ways of the majority in order to secure opportunities for social and economic upward mobility.

Just as an example, I think I can link that back to our conversation about the academic curriculum. So if you look at the content of the textbooks, what you find is that, you know, they predominantly feature writings from upper caste male writers and instances where perspectives of minorities are included is very rare.

And, you know, just as an example, we know that the Nepali language, it has an honorific speech system. Where, you know, we have like different tiers of, of language addressing different social strata. So often we see that, you know, when, when female characters come up, so lower levels of honorific are used.

So, that's, that's just an example. And it's also worth noting that, you know, the person's responsible for reviewing these textbooks, often all male causarious. So, I mean, that also tells a lot about how that impacts children, both from minority communities, but also causarious themselves. And so like we said, so instances like these, they continue to perpetuate and reinforce cultural la, cultural knowledge, and also, ultimately impact the worldviews of those deemed superior in the caste hierarchy and also minority communities themselves.

Khushi: I think that was a really interesting example. And as you were talking about all of that, I was thinking about Sanskritization as a process and how many indigenous communities are starting to actively embrace certain cultural practices that belong originally to the quote elite groups of Nepal.

And, that dynamic is really interesting to me. But I, I was stuck on the fact that we were talking about identity and something that came up to me was this idea of nationalism and how it gets conflated with support for majoritarianism, right? And usually resisting the majoritarian narrative is typically reprimanded as a move against the nation itself.

So, what are the impacts of majoritarian policies on this sense of belonging and national identity among marginalized groups in Nepal?

I think it can be argued that the concept of national identity that is perpetuated by the state, it still tends to resemble the Panchayat era, Nation-building rhetoric of national unity and acquiescence with the dominant group.

To some extent, and there have been some instances, like you said, where this has prompted discontentment and disillusionment among the minorities. I mean, the whole saga of the naming of the Koshi province, I think, is a case in point. So the Kirat community has, you know, continuously engaged in mass protests over the naming of the province in lieu of a name that reflects the heritage of the region, and they have vehemently voiced discontentment towards the naming process, which they claim was concluded without any consultation with the community, and it fails to take into account their cultural identity.

In another piece of development, the provincial government, although it was like vehemently opposed to the idea of renaming the province at first, it now has inked an agreement with the agitators after escalating violence and even the death of a protester. Another, example of how minority identities are impacted by the imposition of majoritarian culture and practices, if you take the case of Janakpur, for example, it's a city that has undergone rapid, transformation recently.

So after, the Indian prime minister's visit in, 2018, I think the Local government there has spent millions of rupees to give the city a facelift. I mean, not just public properties, but even private houses and entire neighborhoods in the city have now been doused in saffron. And residents have raised concern over feeling pressured into painting their own houses withsaffron. So if you read some of the news reports, about this, you get a sense that, this has led to, some individuals, especially those who belong to minority groups to question Janakpur's and the nation's adherence to secularism and their own sense of belongingness in the city.

Khushi: Definitely, Sudeshna. As events like these arise and we hear more news of this almost placemaking movement of majoritarian values, what as a researcher and observer do you see are the future scenarios for Nepal?

Sudeshna: Like we said, majoritarian tendencies tend to manifest in various ways in economic, political, legal, social, and cultural systems. It's important to recognize and rectify any lapses. I think it's important to continue to make the case for democracy and human rights and ensure that minority rights are respected and protected. What's encouraging is that minority issues are increasingly becoming part of public discourse, and that majoritarian tendencies are being challenged. So, I want to say that there's hope for a better future if we make a collective and conscious effort. But, having said that, I think the onus is not just on the government, but also on us as individuals and as a society.

Khushi: What about the experiences of majoritarianism in the larger regional area of South Asia?

I know your report was a larger compilation of different countries in this region. And how does Nepal's experience compare to other countries?

Sudeshna: So, the whole South Asia region has witnessed strong political polarizations in recent years, driven mainly by longstanding identity differences. In Nepal, like I mentioned earlier, manifestations of majoritarianism are less overt, whereas in many of the other countries in the region, they seem to have witnessed a clear shift towards majoritarianism with the introduction of overtly pro-majority laws and policies along with the othering of minorities and subjecting them to violence.

The worst case in the region is probably that of Afghanistan, where after the Taliban takeover, all mechanisms meant to ensure protection of human rights and minority rights have completely been decimated. Instances of extrajudicial killings, forced evictions, and displacement have become rampant. Also, not only have civil, political, and economic rights been violated, but the Taliban's oppressive acts have essentially triggered a humanitarian crisis in the country. Pakistan also continues to grapple with longstanding blasphemy laws and forced conversions among other issues.

In India, like we said, anti-minority mass violence has been on the rise since the BJP assumed power in 2014. Similarly, in Bangladesh, minority groups like Christians, Hindus, and Buddhists continue to confront problems in exercising their cultural and religious rights. Land regulations, in particular, amongst the Bangladeshi Hindu community, have led to a downturn in their social and political representation. Another country in the region, Sri Lanka, there's been an unequal relationship between the majority Buddhist Sinhalese in the country and those of other faiths, especially the Tamil-speaking minorities.

I'd say that Nepal fares better than the other countries in the region in many respects, including religious tolerance in general and the exercise of sociocultural rights. It's also important to acknowledge that while many countries in the region are increasingly witnessing shrinking civic space, things are not as bleak in Nepal. But having said that, I think it's still important to be wary of rising majoritarian tendencies and work towards the goal of pluralism, inclusion, and multiculturalism in the truest sense of the words.

Khushi: So, Sudeshna, that brings us to the end of our conversation. Thank you so much for joining us.

Sudeshna: Thank you so much for having me.

Shuvangi: Thanks for listening to Pods by PEI. I hope you enjoyed Khushi's conversation with Sudeshna on the shadow of majoritarianism, Nepal's minority struggles. Today's episode was produced by Khushi Hang, with support from Neerjan Rai and Hridesh Sapkutta. The episode was recorded at PEI Studio and was edited by Hridesh Sapkutta.

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